Is Tshisekedi fighting ‘the good fight’ against the M23 rebels?
Initially defeated in 2013 by the Congolese armed forces, with support by the United Nations Intervention Brigade, the M23 rebellion resurfaced once again this year in the mountains of Rutshuru territory in North Kivu province, located in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. Due to the alleged support by the militaries of neighboring Rwanda and Uganda, the M23 attackers have gradually conquered several localities in Rutshuru, displacing thousands of Congolese civilians who rightly fear for their safety. And as the territory controlled by the M23 continues to expand, fear of the recapture of the city of Goma is gaining ground.
Faced with the resurgence of the M23, Congolese authorities have taken steps to respond, after initially failing to act in the face of mounting evidence. In fact, a military official, based in Kivu province, who early on called out the M23 attacks — and its links to the Rwandan regime — was sanctioned and demoted by Tshisekedi government. More recently, though, the government has approved the deployment of armies from neighboring states to support the Congolese armed forces, which have been struggling to provide security for the Congolese people — despite the imposition of a brutal state of siege. In addition, the government is preparing to engage in a new round of negotiations with armed groups, including the M23, in Nairobi on Monday, November 21.
Not only are these two measures ineffective, but they will likely worsen an already dire and increasingly deadly security situation for the Congolese people.
Outsourcing domestic security to aggressor states
In his September interview with France 24, Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi – who came to power following a rigged election in December 2018 – pinned his hopes of an M23 defeat on the deployment of a regional military force, spearheaded by Kenya and the Community of East African States (EAC). In view of the armies that constitute this force, it appears that this intervention presents more of a problem than a viable long-term solution.
At least three member states of the EAC – Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi – have been directly involved for more than two decades in both the aggression and destabilization of the Congo through repeated military interventions or through their affiliated rebel groups and paramilitaries. Some of the serious crimes committed by Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi – between 1993 and 2003 – are systematically documented in the UN Mapping Report.
In addition, the armies of other EAC states are already present in eastern Congo in one form or another — none of them have been able to contain the armed violence. The Tanzanian and Kenyan armies, for example, have been present in the country for years as part of the United Nations Intervention Brigade. And the South Sudanese army operates regularly in the province of Haut-Uélé.
A regional military force composed of armies already present in the Congo, those that have committed egregious abuses against the Congolese population, cannot possibly be relied upon to restore peace and security today or in the future. On the contrary, this will merely enshrine impunity and could provide a breeding ground for new waves of violence and destabilization for the eastern part of Congo. The planned dialogue, commencing on November 21, with the armed rebel groups – including the Rwandan-backed M23 – is equally foolish and dangerous.
A dialogue to consecrate impunity for atrocities?
On Monday (November 21), the resumption of dialogue on the situation facing eastern Democratic Republic of Congo will convene the Congolese government and members of the national armed groups active in the east of the country. This process began last April in Nairobi with the objective of persuading the M23 militia to finally lay down their arms and to silence their guns. While the M23 had been excluded from previous dialogue sessions in Nairobi, the Congolese government has not ruled out the possibility of the armed group participating in the negotiations that will soon commence. Former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, who is acting as the chief facilitator for the EAC, even invited them to the table during his recent visit to Goma.
All indications are that the M23 will take part in the upcoming sessions. This is unacceptable.
The last time the Congolese government negotiated with the M23, a so-called ‘peace agreement’ was signed in April 2013 in Nairobi. This agreement secured a ‘peace’ in name only. Indeed, it enshrined the integration of M23 rebels into political and administrative institutions as well as into the Congolese army. This massive integration took place without adequate vetting nor the criteria necessary that would have forbid the entry of soldiers who had dubious origins and unprofessional, perhaps criminal track records. Moreover, this agreement provided amnesty to members of the M23 for all crimes committed against civilian populations.
It is this total impunity for the perpetrators of serious crimes that, in turn, helps to maintain the human rights violations taking place in the Democratic Republic of Congo today.
Tshisekedi's shortsighted diplomatic approach, and these dangerous political decisions, have continually placed the stability and security of the Democratic Republic of Congo at grave risk. Continuing to make the country's security dependent on the nonexistent goodwill of neighboring states is a denial of our own sovereignty and dignity as a people.
Negotiating with armed assailants, those who commit unspeakable atrocities against the Congolese people, reveals the weakness of our governance and security systems. And crucially, it could weaken them further in the long-term
In order to secure long-term peace, Congolese officials, including President Tshisekedi, should instead focus on domestic priorities, including reforming the army; strengthening justice mechanisms for past, present and future crimes; and implementing a demobilization, disarmament, and social reintegration program that will give combatants who lay down their arms a dignified off ramp. In short, the Congo needs strong leadership that is capable of building and maintaining a truly professional and apolitical security service that defends our territory and ensures the safety of citizens. This is the opposite of what Tshisekedi has been doing since coming to power.
Stewart Muhindo Kalyamughumaz is a Congolese researcher and activist affiliated with LUCHA, a nonpartisan civil society movement, as well as CREDDHO, a human rights group in Goma.
DISCLAIMER: The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of Vanguard Africa, the Vanguard Africa Foundation, or its staff.
PHOTO CREDIT: Moses Sawasawa