The Mandé Charter, an instrument of societal organization from the 13th century, does not seem to have left any advice to its heirs. Its oral preamble and 44 detailed chapters advocate social peace, respect for human dignity, quality education, and freedom of expression, among other fundamental liberties. But today, a dialogue of the deaf is established between the regulatory institutions of the West African region and their people. The most striking example is that of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). ECOWAS, an institution of 15 West African nations, is mired in a period in which its remaining democratic principles are threatened.
Niger is at the center of concerns because the discourse of some ECOWAS leaders, aimed at seeking military intervention to restore civilian leadership, does not seem to correspond to anecdotal evidence that many Nigeriens support the putschists. To be fair, no reliable polling data is available on this issue, but observation of anti-regime demonstrations shows that the putschists are welcome in some areas of the country.
This sentiment seems to have now expanded to the rest of the region and its diasporas. "We see them as liberators," said a young man in the midst of a political debate about Senegal's support to ECOWAS. As they ate breakfast, everyone there agreed: they were fed up with France's influence on the region. The end of Françafrique was indeed one of the triggers that led to similar military takeovers in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Guinea. "We are tired of seeing our destiny always in the hands of others rather than our own,” the young man insisted at this tangana, a small restaurant in Dakar.
Senegal is another example of this thinking. As a model of democracy, its reputation for the rule of law has been shaken by recurring problems. President Macky Sall is among those who support the use of force to expel the putschists in Niger and free the democratically elected President Bazoum. Those in the restaurant with whom I talked to, though, often posed the same inquiry: why meddle in other conflicts when the country needs to bring its own political climate back to normal? Alioune Tine, the former president of Amnesty International in West and Central Africa, understands why leaders in Senegal view its leadership as paramount: "[Senegal is] part of ECOWAS and the African Union. We have borders with Mauritania, and more than 2000km of borders with Mali. All of this has links and reasons to justify Senegal's weight in the region."
Meanwhile, back home in Senegal, civil society leaders have been advocating political dialogue for most of 2023. The latest effort was a petition signed by citizens and executives from across the African continent and its diasporas, which called for authorities to release the over 1,000 inmates who have been deemed ‘political prisoners’ -- mainly opposition figure Ousmane Sonko, who now counts over 20 days of hunger strike to protest his arrest and that of his political allies.
Throughout, religious leaders across the country have similarly called for peace and dialogue with the Sall government for the sake of national stability. At present, Senegal’s democratic reputation has given way to dark policies that look, to me, like the first signs of dictatorship: ignoring ongoing public calls to restore peace and dialogue, and to end the incarceration of high-profile political prisoners, several of whom have had presidential ambitions.
This political situation has, of course, contributed to more crises for the Senegalese people, including the death of hundreds of migrants who have attempted to cross the Atlantic Ocean, or the desert of Tunisia, to enter Europe this year alone. These men, women, and children were simply hoping for a better life – and times are less promising now as the year comes to a close. The latest deadly travel occurred to Cape Verde, with over 100 migrants from the Thiès region who lost their lives after a month lost at sea.
No one seems to recognize the Senegal of yesteryear, the country of ‘Teranga,’ which means hospitality in the Wolof language. Civil society initiatives clearly support dialogue over political repression. As President Sall is set to return from his trip to support Senegal’s integration into BRICS, one has to wonder if the deeply rooted ties with the CFA Franc currency, and the lingering questions over the direction of the country have caused doubt about its inclusion in this first phase.
All of these issues – both at home in Senegal and in the wider ECOWAS region – will inevitably loom large as the country, and the Senegalese people, head towards a consequential election that looms large in February 2024.
Borso Tall is a freelance journalist based in Dakar, Senegal. Previously, she was a Chevening Scholar and a Mandela Washington Fellow. Follow on Twitter: @NBorso
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